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| Avidgor Lieberman and Yisrael Beitenu
Brit Tzedek Concerned by Lieberman's Impact on Prospects for Peace, Security The mission of Brit Tzedek v'Shalom, to educate and mobilize American Jews for a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, requires that we affirmatively promote the peace process at every opportunity and challenge any and all policies that would lessen the likelihood of reaching our eventual goal. It is in that spirit that Brit Tzedek publicly questions two deeply disturbing policy proposals put forward by Member of Knesset Avigdor Lieberman and his Yisrael Beitenu (Israel is Our Home) party. Brit Tzedek's founding principles fully endorse the democratic, Jewish nature of the State of Israel. We believe that the imposition of a loyalty oath misconstrues the essential nature of the relationship between a state and its citizens. Israel’s own Declaration of Independence states that Israel should “ensure complete equality … to all its inhabitants irrespective of religion, race or sex.” INVOLUNTARY TRANSFER. Yisrael Beitenu also proposes the wholesale redrawing of the borders of Israel and a future Palestinian state to transfer vast geographic areas of Israel, which contain a significant Arab population into a future Palestinian State in exchange for areas within the West Bank. Such a drastic transfer of land and people, without input from the residents whose lives would be irrevocably affected, would violate the spirit of democracy. Proposals like these are not unique to Israel; a dishearteningly long list of European parties have adopted similar rhetoric in recent years, and the U.S. has clearly struggled with issues of civil rights and democratic principles in the post-9/11 era. But, the adoption of either proposal by the Knesset would severely escalate tensions within Israel, between Israelis and Palestinians, and between Israel and the entire Arab world. Additionally, such developments have the potential to alienate the American government and international community, both of which are essential for Israel to provide a safe future for all of its citizens. [top]
An Interview with Daniel Levy on Liebermanism 1) Loyalty Oath 1) Loyalty Oath The target of the oath is Arab Israelis, against whom Lieberman has launched quite ugly attacks. He has suggested on a number of occasions that Arab Israeli members of Knesset and other Arab Israeli citizens should be hung for treason, that they are collaborators, etc. However, the ultra-Orthodox community believes it is being targeted as well; on the day of the election, Rabbi Ovadia Yosef, head of the ultra-Orthodox Shas party, said that “whoever votes for Lieberman gives strength to Satan.” Aside from any other consideration, such an oath totally misconstrues the nature of the relationship between the state and its citizens. Citizenship is not a conditional thing. Those who break the state’s laws of course face fine or incarceration – but making citizenship itself conditional is a fundamentally anti-democratic reading of modern-day statehood. [top] 2) Vision of Demographically Separated Palestinian and Jewish States Lieberman tries to build his premise into a broader philosophical argument that multi-ethnic states like the former Yugoslavia fail because it is actually better for everyone involved if states are as unitary as possible. It’s a viewpoint I do not subscribe to, to put it mildly. [top] 3) Impact of Gaza War Moreover, the Israeli Arab leadership was mobilized in expressing its opposition to the war in solidarity with Palestinians in Gaza, and that created the backdrop for Lieberman to go all out against Israeli Arabs. It shows how difficult it is to advance Arab-Jewish relations inside Israel as long as Israel is at war with the broader Palestinian public outside of Israel. [top] 4) Response of Israeli Polity to Lieberman’s Anti-Arab Positions [top] 5) Former Soviet Union (FSU) Israeli Immigrants and Liebermanism Part of Lieberman’s appeal to Russian immigrants rests in feeding off the challenges of integration into the broader Israeli society. The extent to which the mainstream parties have all failed to integrate leading political personalities from the Russian community is stunning. This aliyah is no longer new, and the Russian community now makes up approximately 20% of the population. Yet Lieberman was the closest Likud came to producing a Soviet immigrant politician of standing. At the present time neither Likud, Labor, nor Kadima really has a truly authentic voice from the Russian immigrant community. Another factor lies in the history of the Jewish community in the Soviet Union and later in Russia. The Israeli narrative to which the immigrants can relate to in most cases is less religiously Jewish, and more strictly nationalist. This, too, has roots in the FSU, as seen in the Russian concept of participatory government and the cultural desire for a “strong man” leader. Finally, Lieberman has also taken on the mantle of the secular agenda in Israel, including civil marriages and the search for practical solutions for the significant portion of the Russian immigrant community who are not considered Jewish under Orthodox Jewish law. [top] 6) Non-Russian Immigrants in Lieberman’s political base In mock elections at high schools representing a broad cross section of Israeli Jewish society, Lieberman did extremely well. What we have, bottom line, is a society that talks about Arab and Jewish demography all of the time, that sometimes treats its own Arab citizens as a 5th column, and that has been an occupying power for 41 years. Unfortunately, we shouldn’t be surprised that racist ideologies are gaining more traction. [top] 7) Arab Israeli Citizens of Israel and the Jewish Democratic State There is, on many levels, a deep mutual distrust between the Jewish and Arab communities on what Israel should look like. You haven’t had a civil rights revolution in Israel, and there is very good reason for the Israeli Arab minority to have very little faith in the Israeli state given its record of not delivering on equality. If you look at what happened after October 2000, when the officially mandated Orr Commission investigated the incidents which led to 13 Israeli Arabs being killed at the hand of the state, then one discovers that very few of the commission’s recommendations were actually implemented . In other words, the state has acknowledged the problem, but has done precious little to resolve it. In big picture terms, the debate takes place at two ends of the spectrum—Israel as a Jewish state at one end, and as a state of all its citizens at the other. There tends to be a consensus that Israel should be a democracy (although I would suggest that elements of Lieberman’s platform are anti-democratic), and the challenge becomes how to define that democracy in a more inclusive way. In this respect it is fair to say that one real test of a democracy is the ability to respect minority rights.[top] 8) Israel Beiteinu Movement and Anti-Immigrant European Political Movements Why the Israeli case is so special does not concern the level support for Lieberman or how hard-line he is but rather the following two aspects: Lieberman is himself is an immigrant, and the targets of his invective are the Arab inhabitants whose presence here long preceded his. These aren’t immigrant communities but are treated as such. The equally or more disturbing difference is how the rest of the political class in Israel has related to Lieberman. In most European instances, a cordon sanitaire has effectively been erected around the racist right, to exclude them from governing coalitions, whether that be at the national or municipal level. The mainstream right-wing parties in Europe tended to say “we draw a red line here.” This has not happened in Israel; in fact, quite the opposite. [top] 9) Liebermanism and Israel’s Shortcomings as a Jewish Democratic State The Israeli political establishment, notably including the Zionist left, has failed to create a more inclusive notion of Israeli-ness or even a political system that confers a real sense of democratic belonging on its non-Jewish, Arab minority. In very real and important ways, the challenge of marrying “Jewish” and “democratic” has simply not been addressed, whether in terms of budgetary allocations, equality of opportunity, or in Israel’s national narrative. Israel has not found a way to confer real civil rights and democracy on its non-Jewish minority – and yet the litmus test for any democracy is how it treats its minorities. In that, Israel has not succeeded. Which does not mean that a democracy with a Jewish character is impossible. It does mean that is has yet to be achieved. While it is true that the shrill rhetoric and even the political plan sometimes advocated by certain groups within the Palestinian Arab community within Israel can certainly have a negative effect on the willingness of mainstream Jewish Israel to be more open on this issue, it still does not exonerate the state from its responsibility to deliver on its democratic ideals. [top] 10) What Next? I do think that the Israeli Jewish community can rise to the challenge and create a more open vision for Israeli society. That will certainly be one of the issues to address for what remains of the left-wing in Labor and Meretz. The Arab minority in Israel and its leaders also need itself to think how to best contribute to a more inclusive vision for the future. [top]
Avigdor Lieberman – Chronology 1958 – born in the USSR in what is today Moldova. 1978 – makes aliyah. He soon enlists in the Israeli Defense Forces and serves in the Artillery Corps, and later gets his bachelors degree in Political Science at the Hebrew University in Jerusalem. Members of Israel’s far right claim that Lieberman was briefly a member of Meir Kahane’s Kach party in 1979. mid-1980s – turning to the growing Russian immigrant community, Lieberman forms a political base and establishes the Zionist Forum for Soviet Jewry. He becomes a rising star in the Likud party. 1993-1996 – serves as Likud party director, playing an important role in the election of Benjamin Netanyahu as Prime Minister in 1996. 1996-1997 – serves as chief of staff in Netanyahu’s office; steps down in the wake of allegations of corruption. These allegations are still under investigation. 1999 – establishes the Yisrael Beitenu (Israel is Our Home)party in response to the Likud-led Israeli government’s 1998 signing of the Wye River Memorandum, in which Israel committed to re-starting the stalled peace negotiations with the Palestinians. Yisrael Beitenu wins four Knesset seats and Lieberman is named Minister of National Infrastructure. 2001 – Lieberman resigns from the Ministry of National Infrastructure over a government decision to honor its commitment to return a Hebron neighborhood to Palestinian rule. 2004 – now serving as Minister of Transportation in the Ariel Sharon-led government, Lieberman is fired from his position by Sharon, over his opposition to the government’s decision to withdraw unilaterally from the Gaza Strip in 2005. 2006 – Yisrael Beitenu wins 11 seats in Knesset elections. Ophir Pines Paz, a cabinet minister with the Labor Party, resigns his post when Lieberman joins Ehud Olmert’s unity government, a coalition formed with parties from across the political spectrum in order to stabilize the government. The path to the coalition was cleared for Yisrael Beitenu when the Olmert-led Kadima abandoned its election promise to withdraw from certain West Bank settlements, a policy which Lieberman strongly opposed. 2009 – Yisrael Beitenu wins 15 seats in Knesset elections. The party list includes Orly Levy, daughter of Likud stalwart David Levy; Danny Ayalon, former Israeli ambassador to the U.S. and former member of Likud; and, at #2 on the list, Uzi Landau, also a former Likud party politician who opposed the Gaza withdrawal. [top]
U.S. Jewish Communial Responses to Leiberman American Jewish Committee American Jewish Committee (AJC) They critique Lieberman’s proposed loyalty oath for defining all Israeli Arabs as “suspected traitors” and potentially chilling “Israel’s democratic political debate.” “After all,” they write, “some Israelis, from anti-Zionist Jewish religious leaders to post-Zionist intellectuals, do not believe the state should have an officially Jewish political character. How far down this slippery slope is Lieberman really willing to go?” Harris and Lieb state their contention that “the best way to preserve and honor” the unique character of Israel as a democratic Jewish state “is by working to integrate, not exclude, its Arab citizens.” American Jewish Congress Americans for Peace Now (APN) “Some in Israel and in America are trying to sugar-coat and otherwise obscure what it is that Lieberman and his Israel Beitenu (‘Israel Our Home’) party stand for.” APN writes, “this is tantamount to tolerating these views and must not go unchallenged.” It should be noted that “APN objects to Lieberman both because it finds his provocative persona destabilizing, posing a security risk to Israel as it attempts to positively engage with its neighbors, and because what Lieberman stands for ethically violates Jewish values.” APN spokesperson Ori Nir told the JTA that expressions of solidarity by Israeli Arabs with Israel’s enemies, e.g. Hamas and Hezbollah, should be considered protected political speech. He went on to say that asking Israeli Arabs citizens to sign a loyalty oath would alienate them further from Israeli society and potentially create security challenges for the state. Anti-Defamation League (ADL) ADL director Abraham Foxman appears to have backtracked as of late. In a JTA interview, he commented that, “I find a lot of apocrypha but very little in actual detail” about the alleged danger of Lieberman. He even defends Lieberman's proposed loyalty oaths as non-discriminatory because they would be required of all Israeli citizens. Foxman finds common ground with Lieberman in what he calls apparent acts of disloyalty by Israeli Arabs during the Gaza War when many showed concern for the welfare of their brethren and even went as far as to express solidarity with Hamas. “He's not saying expel them.” Foxman exhorts, “He’s not saying punish them.” Criticizing Lieberman, Foxman says, is “another excuse” for those who don’t like Israel. Nevertheless, he does promise “to speak out” if Lieberman advances any proposals “not in keeping with the spirit of Israeli democracy.” Brit Tzedek v’Shalom The loyalty oath “would surely be problematic for many of Israel's 1.3 million Arab citizens, some ultra-Orthodox Jews, and many other Israelis whose particular ideas on nationalism don’t fall within the ‘acceptable’ rubric.” On Lieberman’s proposal on involuntary transfer, Brit Tzedek says, “without input from the residents whose lives would be irrevocably affected, [it] would violate the spirit of democracy.” These policy proposals “have the potential to alienate the American government and international community, both of which are essential for Israel to provide a safe future for all of its citizens.” The statement concludes that Lieberman’s electoral success “indicates the urgent need to move NOW toward a true resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian and other regional conflicts.” Honlein compares Lieberman’s proposal to annex Arab-inhabited areas of Israel to a future Palestinian state to the proposed land swaps that would be part of any two-state solution. While Honlein admits that the areas referred to by Lieberman would be much larger than those suggested in any previous peace negotiations, he fails to acknowledge that Lieberman’s proposal is not part of a negotiated solution but part and parcel of Lieberman’s broader goal of ethnic purification. Israel Policy Forum (IPF) National Scholar at Israel Policy Forum Steven Spiegel takes a different tack suggesting that perhaps Lieberman’s enthusiastic endorsement of a two-state solution based on complete separation may actually make him “the only Israeli politician today who could seriously push for some kind of new arrangement with the Palestinians. In other words, because Lieberman ‘hates Arabs’, he would be more ready to end the Israeli occupation than other Israeli right-wing politicians…If he does the right thing, does it matter why and who he is?” The Jewish Council for Public Affairs (JCPA) Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP) J Street Ben-Ami goes on to say, “The American Jewish community must not countenance an effort to whitewash Avigdor Lieberman and his policies. With deep respect for Israel’s democracy, we call on American Jews and organizations that represent them to make clear that we will not remain silent if the prejudice and intolerance promoted by his party actually become part of the incoming Israeli government’s policies and philosophy.” Union for Reform Judaism
Yoffie calls the Yisrael Beiteinu campaign “an outrageous, abominable, hate-filled campaign, brimming with incitement that, if left unchecked, could lead Israel to the gates of hell.”
[top] References “Brit Tzedek Concerned by Lieberman's Impact on Prospects for Peace, “AJC's David Harris Rebuts Avigdor Lieberman” by David A. Harris and Doug Lieb, Jewish Week, February 27, 2009 “On shared values and Avigdor Lieberman” by Jeremy Ben-Ami, Word on the Street Blog, J Street, February 26, 2009 “Jewish Leaders Largely Silent on Lieberman’s Role In Government” By Nathan Guttman, The Forward, February 18, 2009 Media Advisory: APN Warns Against Legitimizing Lieberman’s Bigotry, February 16, 2009 “The rise of Avigdor Lieberman” By M.J. Rosenberg, Los Angeles Times, February 11, 2009 “Lieberman loyalty proposal finds support in U.S.” by Ben Harris, JTA, February 10, 2009 “Tell the ADL to stop defending Avigdor Liberman,” Jewish Voice for Peace, February 12, 2009 “U.S. Jewish leaders, including doves, duck on Lieberman” by Eric Fingerhut , JTA, February 24, 2009 Press Release: ADL Disturbed by MK Avigdor Lieberman's Call to Execute Arab MKs, May 8, 2006 [top]
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